FBI
whistle-blower Sibel Edmonds was described as "the most gagged
person in the history of the United States" by the American
Civil Liberties Union. Was the Sunday Times pressured to drop its
investigation into her revelations?
A whistleblower has revealed extraordinary
information on the U.S. government’s support for international
terrorist networks and organized crime. The government has denied
the allegations yet gone to extraordinary lengths to silence her. Her
critics have derided her as a fabulist and fabricator. But
now comes word that some of her most serious allegations were
confirmed by a major European newspaper only to be squashed at the
request of the U.S. government.
In
a recent book Classified Woman, Sibel Edmonds, a
former translator for the FBI,
describes how the Pentagon, CIA and State Department maintained
intimate ties to al-Qaeda militants as late as 2001. Her memoir,
Classified
Woman: The Sibel Edmonds Story,
published last year, charged senior government officials with
negligence, corruption and collaboration with al Qaeda in illegal
arms smuggling and drugs trafficking in Central Asia.
In interviews with this author in early March, Edmonds
claimed that Ayman al-Zawahiri, current head of al Qaeda and Osama
bin Laden’s deputy at the time, had innumerable, regular meetings
at the U.S. embassy in Baku, Azerbaijan, with U.S. military and
intelligence officials between 1997 and 2001, as part of an operation
known as ‘Gladio B’. Al-Zawahiri, she charged, as well as
various members of the bin Laden family and other mujahideen, were
transported on NATO planes to various parts of Central Asia and the
Balkans to participate in Pentagon-backed destabilisation operations.
According to two Sunday Times journalists speaking on
condition of anonymity, this and related revelations had been
confirmed by senior Pentagon and MI6 officials as part of a four-part
investigative series that were supposed to run in 2008. The
Sunday Times journalists described how the story was inexplicably
dropped under the pressure of undisclosed “interest groups”,
which, they suggest, were associated with the U.S. State Department.
Shooting
the Messenger
Described
by the American
Civil Liberties Union
as the “most gagged person in the history of the United States of
America,” Edmonds studied criminal justice, psychology and public
policy at George Washington and George Mason universities. Two weeks
after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, her fluency in Turkish, Farsi and
Azerbaijani earned her an FBI contract at the Washington DC field
office. She was tasked with translating highly classified
intelligence from operations against terrorism suspects in and
outside the U.S..
In
the course of her work, Edmonds
became privy to evidence that U.S. military and intelligence agencies
were collaborating with Islamist militants affiliated with al-Qaeda,
the very forces blamed for the 9/11 attacks – and that officials in
the FBI were covering up the evidence.
When Edmonds complained to her superiors,
her family was threatened
by one of the subjects of her complaint, and she was fired. Her
accusations of espionage against her FBI colleagues were eventually
investigated by the Justice
Department's Office of the Inspector General
which did not give details about the allegations as they remained
classified.
Although
no final conclusions about the espionage allegations were reached,
the
Justice Department concluded
that many of Edmonds’ accusations “were
supported, that the FBI
did not take them seriously enough and that her allegations were, in
fact, the most significant factor in the FBI’s decision to
terminate her services.”
When
she attempted to go public with her story in 2002, and again in 2004,
the U.S. government
silenced Edmonds by invoking a legal precedent known as “state
secrets privilege” –
a
near limitless power to quash a lawsuite
based solely on the government’s claim that evidence or testimony
could divulge information that might undermine “national security.”
Under this doctrine, the government sought to retroactively
classify basic information
concerning Edmonds’s case already in the public record, including,
according to the New
York Times,
“what languages Ms. Edmonds translated, what types of cases she
handled, and what employees she worked with, officials said. Even
routine and widely disseminated information — like where she worked
— is now classified.”
Other intelligence experts
agree that Edmonds had stumbled upon a criminal conspiracy at the
heart of the American judicial system. In her memoirs,
she recounts that FBI
Special Agent Gilbert Graham, who also worked in the
Washington field office on counter-intelligence operations, told her
over a coffee how he “ran background checks on federal judges” in
the “early nineties for the bureau… If we came up with shit –
skeletons in their closets – the Justice Department kept it in
their pantry to be used against them in the future or to get them to
do what they want in certain cases – cases like yours.”A
redacted version of Graham’s
classified protected disclosure to the Justice Department
regarding these allegations, released in 2007, refers to the FBI’s
“abuse of authority” by conducting illegal wiretapping to obtain
information on U.S. public officials.
Incubating
Terror
Five years ago, Edmonds revealed to the Sunday
Times that an unidentified senior U.S. State Department
official was on the payroll of Turkish agents in Washington, passing
on nuclear and military secrets. “He was aiding foreign operatives
against U.S. interests by passing them highly classified information,
not only from the State Department but also from the Pentagon, in
exchange for money, position and political objectives”, Edmonds
told the paper. She reported coming across this information when
listening to suppressed phone calls recorded by FBI surveillance,
marked by her colleague Melek Can Dickerson as “not pertinent”.
In the Sunday
Times exposé, Edmonds described a parallel
organisation in Israel cooperating with the Turks on illegal weapons
sales and technology transfers. Between them, Israel and Turkey
operated a range of front companies incorporated in the U.S. with
active “moles in sensitive military and nuclear institutions”,
supported by U.S. officials, in order to sell secrets to the highest
bidder. One of the buyers was Pakistan’s Inter Services
Intelligence (ISI) – which often used its Turkish allies, according
to the Times, “as a conduit… because they were less likely to
attract suspicion.”
The Pakistani operation was, the paper reported, “led
by General Mahmoud Ahmad, then the ISI chief” from 1999 to 2001,
when the agency helped train, supply and coordinate the Afghan
Taliban and gave sanctuary to their Arab allies brought together in
the coalition named al-Qaeda. Ahmad, as the Times noted, “was
accused [by the FBI] of sanctioning a $100,000 wire payment to
Mohammed Atta, one of the 9/11 hijackers, immediately before the
attacks.”
According
to Indian intelligence officials, they had assisted the FBI in
“tracing and establishing” the financial trail between the
General and the chief hijacker. The discovery was, they allege, the
real reason behind the General’s sudden retirement in October 2001.
The Pakistani daily, The News, reported on 10th September 2001 that
the ISI chief held several “mysterious meetings at the Pentagon and
National Security Council” that week, including with CIA director
George Tenet.
In an interview with this author in March, Edmonds
raised the question of whether U.S. officials’ liaisons with an
espionage network overseen by Ahmad, and the FBI’s suppression of
related intelligence, played a role in facilitating the attacks.
“Following 9/11, a number of the foreign operatives
were taken in for questioning by the FBI on suspicion that they knew
about or somehow aided the attacks”, reported the Sunday Times. The
paper related that according to Edmonds, the senior State Department
official received a call from a foreign agent under FBI surveillance
asking for help to “get them out of the U.S. because we can’t
afford for them to spill the beans.” The official promised “he
would ‘take care of it’.”
Edmonds told this author that high-level corruption
compromised the ability of the U.S. intelligence community to pursue
ongoing investigations of those planning the 9/11 attacks. “It was
precisely those militants that were incubated by some of America’s
key allies”, she said. Corruption helped guarantee Congressional
silence when that incubation strategy backfired in the form of 9/11.
“Both Republican and Democratic representatives in the House and
Senate came up in FBI counterintelligence investigations for taking
bribes from foreign agents”, she said.
Al-Qaeda:
Enemy or Asset?
In her interview, Edmonds insisted that after its
initial exposé, the Times‘ investigation had gone beyond such
previous revelations, and was preparing to disclose her most
startling accusations. Among these, Edmonds described how the CIA
and the Pentagon had been running a series of covert operations
supporting Islamist militant networks linked to Osama bin Laden right
up to 9/11, in Central Asia, the Balkans and the Caucasus.
While it is widely recognized that the CIA sponsored bin
Laden’s networks in Afghanistan during the Cold War, U.S.
government officials deny any such ties existed. Others claim these
ties were real, but were severed after the Soviet Union collapsed in
1989.
But according to Edmonds, this narrative is false. “Not
just bin Laden, but several senior ‘bin Ladens’ were transported
by U.S. intelligence back and forth to the region in the late 1990s
through to 2001″, she told this author, “including Ayman
al-Zawahiri” – Osama bin Laden’s right-hand-man who has taken
over as al-Qaeda’s top leader.
“In the late 1990s, all
the way up to 9/11, al-Zawahiri and other mujahideen operatives were
meeting regularly with senior U.S. officials in the U.S. embassy in
Baku to plan the Pentagon’s Balkan operations with the mujahideen,”
said Edmonds. “We had support for these operations from Pakistan
and Saudi Arabia, but the U.S. oversaw and directed them. They were
being run from a secret section of the Pentagon with its own office”.
Edmonds clarified, “the FBI counterintelligence
investigation which was tracking these targets, along with their
links to U.S. officials, was known as ‘Gladio B’, and was
kickstarted in 1997. It so happens that Major Douglas Dickerson”
– the husband of her FBI co-worker Melek whom she accused of
espionage – “specifically directed the Pentagon’s ‘Gladio’
operations in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan at this time.”
Gladio
B
Edmonds
said that the Pentagon operations with Islamists were an “extension”
of an original ‘Gladio’ programme uncovered in the 1970s in
Italy, part of an EU-wide
NATO covert operation
that began as early as the 1940s. As Swiss historian Dr. Daniele
Ganser records in his seminal book, NATO’s Secret Armies, an
official Italian parliamentary inquiry
confirmed that British MI6 and the CIA had established a network of
secret “stay-behind” paramilitary armies, staffed by fascist and
Nazi collaborators. The covert armies carried out terrorist attacks
throughout Western Europe, officially blamed on Communists in what
Italian military intelligence called the ‘strategy of tension’.
“
You had to attack
civilians, the people, women, children, innocent people, unknown
people far removed from any political game”
explained Gladio operative Vincenzo
Vinciguerra during his trial in 1984. “The reason
was quite simple. They were supposed to force these people… to turn
to the State to ask for greater security.”
While the reality of Gladio’s existence in Europe is
a matter of historical record, Edmonds contended the same
strategy was adopted by the Pentagon in the 1990s in a new theatre of
operations, namely, Asia. “Instead of using neo-Nazis, they used
mujahideen working under various bin Ladens, as well as al-Zawahiri”,
she said.
These new Pentagon-led operations were codenamed ‘Gladio
B’ by FBI counterintelligence: “In 1997, NATO asked [Egyptian
President] Hosni Mubarak to release from prison Islamist militants
affiliated to Ayman al-Zawahiri [whose role in the assassination of
Anwar Sadat led to Mubarak’s ascension]. They were flown under U.S.
orders to Turkey for [training and use in] operations by the
Pentagon”, she said.
Edmonds’ allegations find some independent
corroboration in the public record. The
Wall Street Journal refers to a nebulous agreement between
Mubarak and “the operational wing of Egyptian Islamic Jihad, which
was then headed by Ayman al-Zawahiri… Many of that group’s
fighters embraced a cease-fire with the government of former
President Hosni Mubarak in 1997.”
Youssef
Bodansky, former Director of the Congressional Task Force
on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, cited U.S. intelligence
sources in an article for Defense and Foreign Affairs: Strategic
Policy, confirming “discussions between the Egyptian terrorist
leader Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri and an Arab-American known to have been
both an emissary of the CIA and the U.S. Government.” He referred
to an “offer” made to al-Zawahiri in November 1997 on behalf
of U.S. intelligence, granting his Islamists a free hand in Egypt as
long as they lent support to U.S. forces in the Balkans. In 1998,
Al Zawahiri’s brother, Muhammed,
led an elite unit of the Kosovo Liberation Army against Serbs during
the Kosovo conflict – he reportedly had direct contact with NATO
leadership.
“This is why”, Edmonds continued in her interview,
“even though the FBI routinely monitored the communications of the
diplomatic arms of all countries, only four countries were exempt
from this protocol – the UK, Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Belgium –
the seat of NATO. No other country – not even allies like Israel or
Saudi Arabia, were exempt. This is because these four countries were
integral to the Pentagon’s so-called Gladio B operations.”
Edmonds did not speculate on the objectives of the
Pentagon’s ‘Gladio B’ operations, but highlighted the following
possibilities: projecting U.S. power in the former Soviet sphere
of influence to access previously untapped strategic energy and
mineral reserves for U.S. and European companies; pushing back
Russian and Chinese power; and expanding the scope of lucrative
criminal activities, particularly illegal arms and drugs trafficking.
Terrorism finance expert Loretta
Napoleoni estimates the total value of this criminal
economy to be about $1.5 trillion
annually, the bulk of which “flows into Western
economies, where it gets recycled in the U.S. and in Europe” as a
“vital element of the cash flow of these economies.”
It
is no coincidence then that the opium trade, Edmonds told this
author, has grown rapidly under the tutelage of NATO in Afghanistan:
“I know for a fact that NATO planes routinely shipped heroin to
Belgium, where they then made their way into Europe and to the UK.
They also shipped heroin to distribution centres in Chicago and New
Jersey. FBI counterintelligence and DEA (Drug Enforcement Agency)
operations had acquired evidence of this drug trafficking in its
surveillance of a wide range of targets, including
senior officials in the Pentagon, CIA and State Department.
As part of this surveillance, the role of the Dickersons – with the
support of these senior U.S. officials – in facilitating
drug-trafficking, came up. It was clear from this evidence that the
whole funnel of drugs, money and terror in Central Asia was directed
by these officials.”
The evidence for this funnel, according to Edmonds,
remains classified in the form of FBI counterintelligence
surveillance records she was asked to translate. Although this
alleged evidence has never made it to court due to the U.S.
government’s exertion of ‘state secret privilege’, she was able
to testify in detail concerning her allegations, including naming
names, in
2009.
Censorship
In recent interviews, two Sunday Times journalists
confirmed to this author that the newspaper’s investigation based
on Sibel Edmonds’ revelations was to break much of the details into
the open.
“We’d spoken to several current and active Pentagon
officials confirming the existence of U.S. operations sponsoring
mujahideen networks in Central Asia from the 1990s to 2001,” said
one Sunday Times source. “Those mujahideen networks were
intertwined with a whole range of criminal enterprises, including
drugs and guns. The Pentagon officials corroborated Edmonds’
allegations against specific U.S. officials, and I’d also
interviewed an MI6 officer who confirmed that the U.S. was running
these operations sponsoring mujahideen in that period.”
But according to Edmonds, citing the investigative team
at the paper, the last two articles in
the series were spiked under U.S. State Department pressure.
She recalled being told at the time by journalists leading the Sunday
Times investigation that the newspaper’s editor had decided to
squash the story after receiving calls from officials at the U.S.
embassy in London.
A journalist with the Sunday Times‘ investigative unit
told this author he had interviewed former Special Agent in Charge,
Dennis Saccher, who had moved to the FBI’s Colorado office. Saccher
reportedly confirmed the veracity of Edmonds’ allegations of
espionage, telling him that Edmonds’ story “should have been
front page news” because it was “a scandal bigger than
Watergate.” The same journalist confirmed that after interviewing
Saccher at his home, the newspaper was contacted by the U.S. State
Department. “The U.S. embassy in London called the editor and tried
to ward him off. We were told that we weren’t permitted to approach
Saccher or any other active FBI agents directly, but could only go
through the FBI’s press office – that if we tried to speak to
Saccher or anyone else employed by the FBI directly, that would be
illegal. Of course, it isn’t, but that’s what we were told. I
think this was a veiled threat.”
Saccher’s
comments to the journalist never made it to press.
A lead reporter on the series at the Sunday Times told
this author that the investigation based on Edmonds’ information
was supposed to have four parts, but was inexplicably dropped. “The
story was pulled half-way, suddenly, without any warning”, the
journalist said. “I wasn’t party to the editorial decision to
drop the story, but there was a belief in the office amongst several
journalists who were part of the Insight investigative unit that the
decision was made under pressure from the U.S. State Department,
because the story might cause a diplomatic incident.”
Although the journalist was unaware of where this belief
came from – and was not informed of the U.S. embassy’s contact
with the paper’s editor which the other journalist was privy to –
he acknowledged that self-censorship influenced by unspecified
“interest groups” was a possible explanation. “The way the
story was dropped was unusual, but the belief amongst my colleagues
this happened under political pressure is plausible.” He
cryptically described an “editorial mechanism, linked to the paper
but not formally part of it, which could however exert control on
stories when necessary, linked to certain interests.” When asked
which interests, the journalist said, “I can’t say. I can’t
talk about that.”
Edmonds described how, due to the U.S. government’s
efforts to silence her, she had no option left except to write her
story down. The resultant book, Classified
Woman, had to be submitted to an FBI panel for review.
By law, the bureau was required to make a decision on what could be
disclosed or redacted within 30 days.
Instead, about a year later, Edmonds’ lawyer received
a
letter from the FBI informing them that the agency was
still reviewing the book, and prohibiting her from publishing it:
“The matters Ms. Edmonds writes about involve many equities, some
of which may implicate information that is classified… Approval of
the manuscripts by the FBI will include incorporation of all changes
required by the FBI. Until then, Ms. Edmonds does not have approval
to publish her manuscripts which includes showing them to editors,
literary agents, publishers, reviewers, or anyone else. At this
point, Ms. Edmonds remains obligated not to disclose or publish the
manuscript in any manner.”
Sibel Edmonds memoirs, Classified Woman: The Sibel
Edmonds Story, is available from all good online booksellers.
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